1 Whatever you write about Zoran Zaev in the week when he resigned as Prime Minister, you risk being accused of either defending him or attacking him. There is no third option. That’s the ugly truth about our public – either you love someone uncritically, or you hate them uncritically. That’s why it‘s difficult to have an objective opinion on his last act – his resignation. He said he was going to leave and he just did. Even though he could rule for another two years and be laid-back about it, especially now that he’s secured a parliamentary majority once again.

Zaev made loads of mistakes and made controversial statements. However, as a politician, he marked a key period in the history of the Macedonian state. With his personal effort, he resolved the thirty-year dispute with Greece and brought the country into NATO. As Macedonians, with Macedonian language. And with Macedonia in the name of the state. It wasn’t easy. Because, not only his political career, but his life too was put on the line.

Still, he accomplished one of the main goals – NATO.
The second goal – the date for the start of the EU accession talks, wasn’t accomplished, not through fault of his own. The one to be blamed for that is the European Union.

2 In the meantime, he brought home freedom, but he didn’t bring justice. Although, he had come to power with the slogan “No justice, no peace.” The counter at Porta Makedonija which was supposed to display the returned stolen money and which he personally donated, didn’t tick even once.

The worst part of his term is that the state remained trapped by the party. And he didn’t even try to change that. He shouted, “Let us never allow this evil to happen ever again.” But, he didn’t make a system effective enough to prevent that evil from happening ever again. And he failed to tackle corruption. For example, he allowed a showman of Boki 13’s caliber to become a factor in the country. A media mogul with a crown on his head, worshiped by the entire government, judges, prosecutors and special prosecutors.

I don’t know if he chose to listen only to those who praised him, or he simply thought that “it will be easier at home than with Tsipras,” but it’s still a mystery why he was willing to fall out with the well-intentioned and the selfless when he had to defend the incompetent and the punks leeching off him. How big was his debt that he had to protect their business interests? They kept eating away the loan he himself had given them. But, he had it coming. It was his choice – to carry them and their crimes on his shoulders.

He left the post of Prime Minister along with their guilt. But he remained loyal to them until the end. Unlike the one who fled to Budapest, who didn’t leave only his cousins and his most loyal close associates rot in prison for everything that crossed his mind, but also his own minor children.

3 Because of how great our expectations were when Gruevski’s regime was toppled, we forget that Zaev didn’t come to power in ideal conditions. He formed a government with only 49 seats won after the country had been held captive for 11 years and after the storming of the Parliament, in which he almost died. He fought an opposition whose sole purpose was to save the criminals from their party along with their fleeing honorary president. He had to form a coalition with DUI, who don’t approve of judicial reforms because there’re dragging with them all the loose ends from their cooperation with the fugitive in Budapest. To complete the big picture – joining NATO and the EU accession talks, he had to make compromises such as amnesties and unnatural coalitions.

That’s why justice wasn’t on the top of the agenda.

The fact the opposition was besmirching his reputation wasn’t a problem for Zaev. Even the limited capacity of SDSM staff wasn’t that big of a problem. But the perception of his public image was mostly shaped by party cliques, especially the quasi-elitist ones, who couldn’t get over the fact that the party was led by a man from the provinces, who had made his fortune through agriculture. In his party they called him “the country cousin,” “the farmer,” “the fool from the peasant wing,” not noticing how many dimwits and “peasants” there are among the Skopje elites. Because they are one of their own. Because of such divisions, SDSM can’t make an objective assessment of his political legacy as a leader who democratized the party by introducing direct elections for its president.

At the end of the day, I really don’t care about SDSM and their courtly games. But the harm SDSM inflicts on the community with their behaviour is the thing that will restore VMRO’s regime and bring back Gruevski worse than ever. They haven’t learned their lesson, because they’re still convinced that the voters are to blame for their defeat in the last election.

4 The fire brigade in Rankovce was given a phone after residents had to go to the station to report a fire for four years.

The Municipality of Centar installed bollards to divide the two lanes on the street in front of a bakery to prevent illegal stops for burek, because they kept blocking traffic.

Also, the Municipality of Centar placed large planters on Boemska Street in Debar Maalo to prevent illegal parking in front of the pubs. Since, the police are forbidden to fine people. However, the drivers are resourceful and park between the planters.
At the same time, the Macedonian fans of Zdravko Colic and Ceca are very disappointed because their New Year’s performances were canceled. In Montenegro.

That’s at least three achievements and one disappointment in the week when the Prime Minister resigned.
So, how are we to objectively assess Zaev’s political legacy in such a reality in Macedonia in the third decade of the 21st century.

Translated by Nikola Gjelincheski